Serving Burma and its people                                

 [an error occurred while processing this directive]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Google
 
 

Child soldiers in Burma and Sri Lanka: Physical-psychological Consequences

By Vanlalfaka Arakan 

Keywords: child soldiers, underage soldiers, Burma, Sri Lanka, LTTE, Insurgents.

 Introduction

Although the International Labor Organization Convention No 182 forbids forced recruitment of child soldiers and regards it as the worst form of child abuse, state sponsored army and non-state armed groups in Burma and Sri Lanka are using hundreds and thousands of child soldiers for combat, cook, entertainment and many other purposes. The civil wars in these countries drag in thousands of innocent children as combatants. 

Civil wars and the successive military regime has ripped down the richest country in South-east Asia to the poorest country in the world. Before to the Australia Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Dr Turnell testified that Burma was one of the richest country in South East Asia until the late 1960s (Turnell, 2006). According to Watkins, a professor at the San Jose State University, U Nu promised in 1952, “promised that someday every family would own a house and an automobile and have an income $175 to $200 per month” (Watkins, nd). However, after Burma became independent state, the communists went underground and revolted against the Rangoon. At the same time, many minority armed groups sprang up throughout Burma, demanding separation from Burma or greater freedom. The communist broke out in April 1948 just after four months of Burma’s independence, and the ethnic rebellion followed it soon. Many part of the country were under the control of rebellion soon after independence (Arakan). Hence, Ne Win and his successive military leaders have been expanding its army and suppressing rebellions in the name of protecting the country from disintegration. Under its command, the military regime increases its military capacity. The biggest expansion of the armed forces occurred after the Rangoon’s regime crushed students and civilians’ movement in 1988.  

Similar to Burma, Sri Lanka has been experiencing civil wars for more than two decades. Sri Lanka is dominated by the Sinhalese. However, the Tamils comprise around one-sixth of the 18.6 million people, and they constitute majority in Northeastern Sri Lanka, especially, Jaffna (Briggs, 2005). Under the British rule, Sinhalese felt that the colonial power favored the Tamils. After its independence from British, Sinhalese took up some steps to make Sinhalization such as making Sinhalese the sole official language. As a result, Tamils lunched protests that caused the outbreak of anti-Tamil. According to Hogg, some Tamil politicians in mid 1970s proposed separate Tamil state that led to establishment of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam by 1980s (2006). He further states that Tamil ran de facto state in north and east Sri Lanka by the end of 1989. They collected their own taxes, ran their police and judicial systems.

Both the Sri Lanka and Burma are unitary states in which the provinces has no power. The power flows from the top to the bottom, leaving the province and local body powerless. As a result, dissatisfaction of central leadership among minority communities led to revolt against the centralized governments, which further brought civil wars in these two countries. The dragging civil wars demand more combatants in both sides. Thus, children, including girls who are powerless, become the main target.

According to Wessells, there are around 300,000 child soldiers currently serving as combatants, cook, medics, labors, bodyguards, spies, etc. (Wessells, n.d). Druba estimates that child soldiers are much higher, estimate to be 200,000 to 500,000 (2002). Though all state and non-state armed forces denied recruiting underage children, child soldiers are visible in many armed forces. Many children in Africa, Colombia, Sri Lanka and Burma are vulnerable, and they have been recruited into armed forces by different means. In the report released by the Human Right Watch in 2002, Burma has 350,000 personnel in its armed forces (2002). Among them, around 30-40 percent of the army were said to be underage. Similarly, there are thousands of child soldiers in Sri Lanka, and many organizations such as UNICEF, Red Cross, and Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers found difficulty to collect accurate data. In October, 2004, UNICEF could record 3,516 cases of child soldiers (HRW, 2004). Wessells said that children are available abundantly. He further says, “Commanders frequently prefer child soldiers because they can be manipulated and terrorized and are often willing to accept the most dangerous assignments because they lack a full sense of their own morality” (n.d).

Though wars are for adults, Burma’s military regime topped in the country-wise chart of child soldiers, and Colombia and Uganda followed it (Gates, 2004). Many of child soldiers in Burma have been recruited by the Burmese army. On the other hand, children in Sri Lanka has been recruited by LTTE. These children have been used for making mine, manufacturing bombs, and suicide mission (Brings, 2005).  There are two factors that cause children present in armed forces. According to Wessells, push factors cause children to join armed forces for the last resort (n.d). For example, when children’s families have been killed, the children are more likely to join armed forces voluntarily to take revenge or seek protection. On the other hand, pull factor is the elements that attract children. Chakma says, “For many children, the uniform appears glamorous, and military recruitment provides an opportunity to prove their adulthood, especially during the transition period from childhood. Media and ‘Rambo’ images in popular culture encouraged many children to join [armed forces]” (Chakma, 2000).

 

Methods

            This research focused on children in Burma and Sri Lanka. Since both countries have been troubled by civil wars for many years, the socio-psychological problems, and the role of push-pull factors were look into. Though the definition of the term ‘children’ is varied from one community to one community, this research included those children who were under the age of eighteen, which has been regarded as minor by the United Nations. Moreover, The method of this research was based on literature. Scholarly peer reviewed literature, the United Nations report, Human rights reports conducted by governments and legally sanctioned organizations, conference papers had been used. To have fewer flaws in the result, personal websites, reports on newspapers, organizations’ websites of the subjects were excluded. For instance, since the study was done on the LTTE in Sri Lanka and Burma’s military regime, their websites were excluded for statistics and other information.  As the subjects were not constant, all the literature and materials used in this research were kept in up-to-date. The statistics released before 2002 were excluded.      

 

Result

            As the civil wars have been dragging on, combatants had been in great demand. The Sri Lanka civil war was started in 1983, and there was no accurate record of how many people died in the wars since it broke out. Likewise, the accurate number of death and casualties in Burma’s civil wars had been unknown. However, large numbers of children had been recruited for active combatants. According to Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers’ (CSUCS) report in 2002, 40 percent of children killed in battle were children (2002).

            In Sri Lanka, coercion, push and pull factors had been visible among child soldiers. Children were abducted by LTTE while they were on the way to their schools, playgrounds, shopping centers, etc. According to Human Rights Watch, there were less than 50 per cent of children who would go to school because their parents would keep them in home in fear of abduction by LTTE (Human Rights Watch, 2004). Human Rights Watch further quoted Harendra de Silva, chair of the National Child Protection Authority, as saying, “In 1994, I found that one in nineteen children recruits was abducted. Now in 2004, the reverse is true and only one in nineteen is a volunteer” (2004). Moreover, the LTTE asked every house to provide them one person for armed combatants. The Human Rights Watch quoted a girl as saying,

 

My parents refused to give me to the LTTE so about fifteen of them came to my house- it was both men and women, in uniforms, with rifles, and guns in holsters…I was fast asleep when they came to get me at one in the morning…These people dragged me out of the house. My father shouted at them, saying, “What is going on?”, but some of the LTTE soldiers took my father away towards the woods and beat him…They also pushed my mother onto the ground when she tried to stop them.

 

Torture, harassments and killing were the tools the LTTE used for those who resisted the recruitment. A girl stated that their house were burnt down by the LTTE when they left their home after receiving a letter from LTTE, asking the family to provide them one person for the mission.

                             

            Similar to Sri Lanka, thousands of children were used by state and non-state armed forces as combatants. As human rights groups had no access to government armed forces and non-state armed forces, it was hard to get the accurate data. As the figure one shows, 50,000 children were estimated to be in state armed forces. Children in non-state armed forces such as Karen National Union, Kachin Independent Army, Kareni Army, and United Wa State Army were around three thousand. The numbers of children in other non-state armed forces such as Shan State Army-South, All Burma Democratic Front, etc, were unknown because they did not want to release any statistical information (CSUCS, 2002).  Similar to LTTE, the Tatmadaw Gyi (Government army) used coercion in recruiting children. Railway stations, bus stations, markets, festivals, streets were the good place for the army where they found children. They approached young children because they could be intimidated easily. The recruiting team was consisted of few soldiers led by corporal or sergeant (Human Rights Watch, 2002). Children were also abducted for soldiers. According to Human Rights Watch, “the [monastery] boys kept disappearing, and on many occasions the monks found them at nearby military bases where they were about to be sent to recruit holding camps” (2002).

            The LTTE admitted having children as its soldiers to United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). With demands from parents and the UNICEF, children were released from its service in April, 2004. However, they were recruited again for the same purpose (Human Rights Watch, 2004). In contrast to LTTE, the Burmese government denied its existence of child soldiers and forced recruitment in its armed forced. Its Permanent Mission to the United Nations replied to Human Rights Watch, “The Myanmar Tatmadaw (armed forces) is an all voluntary army. There are no conscripts and the recruitment into armed forces is entirely voluntary” (Human Rights Watch, 2002). After children were forcibly recruited, the recruiters would change the birth year of the children. The permanent mission further said, “[a]ny person who recruits children in contravention with the [Defense Service] Act is taken action under article 65 of the Act and is liable to suffer imprisonment, which may extend to 7 years” (Human Rights Watch, 2002).

            The other factor that caused children to join armed forces was push factors. The children in Burma were asked to show national identify card, which they had not had. Then, children were given option to join army or be sent to jail. As there were no other options, children ended up in army (Human Rights Watch, 2002).  Some children joined armed forces for last resort. According to Becker, “Many children, their lives devastated by poverty or war, join armed groups out of desperation” (n.d). Likewise, though there was no statistics, many Tamil children were pushed to LTTE due to poverty or lack of good education. Human Rights Watch quoted a woman as saying, “My daughter was fourteen when she joined the LTTE. My husband died. We had no income. No food…I was in paddy field. I came back and searched everywhere and then someone told me that she went with the LTTE” (2004)

            Some children joined armed forces for better and glamorous life, closer to friends or siblings, revenge, security, etc. Wessells said, “For youth who have grown up in abject poverty and who have been attacked and have felt powerless, the gun and the military uniform confer a measure of power and prestige that they could not have obtained through other means” (n.d). The Sri Lanka’s LTTE used the tactics to attract children by glamorizing their activities. Malathy, a Tamil rebel girl was killed in 1987 in the combat, and she was honored as martyr to the cause (Briggs, 2005).  The Human Rights Watched recorded,

 

[The] LTTE recruitment of children has over the years been fueled by several factors. First, a sophisticated LTTE propaganda machine regularly exposed Tamil children throughout the North and East to special events honoring LTTE heroes, parades of LTTE cadres, public display of wars paraphernalia, and a speeches and videos, particularly in schools. Families of LTTE heroes were afforded special respect, and children were drawn to the status of glamour of serving as cadres (2004).

 

One boy joined the LTTE because his house was burnt and his neighbor’s girls were raped by the Sri Lanka’s soldiers. Ida, a Tamil girl, joined the LTTE to take revenge of her brother who was killed by the Sri Lanka army. The other boy joined LTTE for separate Tamil country. Unlike Sri Lanka, many children joined the Tatmadaw because they got salary, prestige and power. Some children in Burma joined the non-state armed forces for democracy, or their families’ members were killed or tortured by the Burmese soldiers (Human Rights Watch, 2002).

            Unlike Burma where there was no suicide mission being used by any of the armed forces, children were used as suicide mission by the LTTE. Moreover, girls were preferred over boy for the mission. According to Briggs, 30 percent of the LTTE’s casualties in 1993 were women (2005).  Wessells stated that the LTTE selected girls who showed strong motivation to be suicide bombers, and they were honored as martyr and celebrated by community. In Burma, Kachin Independent had girls as combatants, and no other non-stated armed forces were recorded as having any girl in their forces.

            Burma’s Tatmadaw and Sri Lanka’s tactics of training were very similar. Children were sent to recruiting centers in different places after they were recruited. Then, they were further sent to schools or training centers in accordance with children’s age. In Burma, though some children were kept by officers as servants, most of the children were sent to Ye Nyunt (Brave Sprouts) camp or a military base. Then, they were sent to schools. According to Human Rights Watch, there were around fifty Ye Nyunt camps throughout Burma. The boys at these camps were the aged of four to sixteen (Human Rights Watch, 2002). In the LTTE, children of twelve and above were directly sent to training camps, and the younger were kept at a special unit, which was referred as the “chicken” unit. These young children had to take classes. The children who were poor and parentless would be sent to the LTTE ran orphanages where they had to attend schools. During holidays, they were sent to LTTE camps until they were old enough to be full-time cadres (Human Rights Watch, 2004).

            The training was harsh for children. Around 250 to 300 in one batch, children were trained in weapon and military strategy including rigorous physical exercise. The LTTE’s cadres had to get up at four in the morning and exercised. Similarly, the Burmese’s cadres had to get up at 6 in the morning, and had to run for miles. Sandbags were put on their bags while they ran. In contrast to the LTTE’s basic training, the Burmese cadre’s training was more advanced. The basic training included military parade, small arms, large weapons, military tactics and deploying troops for battles. They had to crawl on the ground because other soldiers would keep firing above their head.  (Human Rights Watch, 2002). There was no record or any data for advance training in Burmese Army. However, the LTTE’s soldiers had to train for advance course. The advance courses were basically decided by superior officers. The advance training included landmines, bombs, heavy weapons, security, intelligence and non-military skills such as administration and medicine, etc.

Sample Soldier Tasks and DutiesFigure 2

            Though this figure is not obtained from the research of Sri Lanka and Burma, it shows the general duty of child soldiers. After the training, child soldiers were sent to different battalions. One batch of around 250 was assigned to different battalions. No more than 20 soldiers were assigned to the same battalions. In Burma, as the army had been expanding, some soldiers who graduated recently would have to build new camps for new battalions (Human Rights Watch, 2002).  One LTTE cadre said,

I participated in many battles. When the soldiers got wounded, they would be left there screaming…When the army comes we were supposed to throw the grenade at them or blow ourselves up. There are plenty of times when this happened.

One other Tamil girl got injured and had to be hospitalized for a year. However, after she recovered, she was sent to battle again (Human Rights Watch, 2004). Similarly, Hla Thein, a Burmese child soldiers was surprised to find himself as a battalion’s elite commando unit. He said, “I was a commando. We were mostly in the frontline” (Human Rights Watch, 2002). Some were lucky to be assigned to patrol unit. They would patrol around their unit or around battles. Some were sent to intelligence unit and some were stayed back to look after the camps.

 

            Physical-psychological torture started as soon as they were recruited. There was little discussion about the impact of psycho-emotional problems in literature, how did these children suffer emotionally was unknown. However, many of the physical and psychological include torture physically, humiliation, deprivation of love, and inability to return to normal life.

Firstly, the literature review shows that many children were tortured physically. When children resisted, they were subjected to be beat them until they agreed to join the forces (Human Rights Watch, 2002). There were forced to sit for long hours by cross-legged, and their hand on knees. Children who tried to run away were beaten in front of the entire unit to instill shame in children’s mind. In Burma, if the runaway children were caught, he would be beaten by the entire unit. One child says,

We want to run away but it wasn’t easy. Three ran away, but one was caught. He had to dive his face down on the ground, then every Ye Nyunt [military training school] boy had to beat him one time. Most of the hits were on his legs, with a bamboo about this big [two inches in diameter]” (Human Rights Watch, 2002).

When they could not perform in the training, they were beaten, and forced to do the training. It was no exception to anyone. The LTTE’s cadre had to get up in four in the morning, did every kind of tasks that were supposed to be performed by adult soldiers.

            Secondly, children were humiliated by different means. In Burma, children were asked to strip in front of unit, and they also had to strip whenever they had to go to toilet. Thirdly, these children had no family contact. They were not supposed have any kind of contacts with their family. Both in Sri Lanka and Burma, parents would come to army camps, looking for their children. However, the authority would not allow any parents to meet with their children. Vimila said, “I could not see my parents. Lots of times, my parents came to see me, but the LTTE would not allow it” (Human Rights Watch, 2004). In Burma, if parents wanted their children back with them, they had to pay large sum of money to authority. Than Aung, a Burmese child soldier narrated his experience, “I saw some parents arrive at Mingaladon and talk to the officer. They gave them some money and then took their son from the Su saun Yay [recruitment center]” (Human Right Watch, 2002).

            Finally, many of child soldiers had hard time to return to normal life after they were relieved from their active duty. In his book “Child Soldiers, Wessells stated,

        

         The hidden wounds often related as much to children’s current living situation as to memories of the past.  

         Many former child soldiers experience shame ore are stigmatized and isolated. ..have difficulties regulating

          their behavior in ways required by civilians life” (Wesselss, 2006).

 Some of these child soldiers would not  want to return to civil life after they were grown up.

           

Discussion/Conclusion

The general perception of children being recruited by coercion by many state and non-states armed forces supported the ongoing expansion of Burmese’s tatmadaw. After the State Peace and Development Council (formerly State Law and Order Restoration Council) took control of state’s power from socialist Ne Win regime in 1988, the armed forces were doubled to combat the internal insurgents rather than protecting the country from any external forces. In contrast to Burma, there has been mixture of the mode of recruitments in LTTE. Although the nature of research limited concrete statistics of how the LTTE recruited its cadres, some Sri Lanka’s Tamil joined LTTE voluntarily to free its land from the dominant Sinhalese, and some were forcibly recruited against their wills.

After civil war broke out between the dominant Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese and Tamil, around 64,000 people died in the conflict. According to Hogg, the igniter of civil war was on the status of official language of Sri Lanka. When the Sri Lanka’s (formerly Ceylon, renamed Sri Lanka in 1972) government announced Sinhalese as its official language, many Tamil protested against it (Hogg, 2006). Tamil were afraid of deprivation of unemployment due to their inability to speak Sinhalese. In the same way, many minorities in Burma accused the successive government for Burmanization of the country. 

Children are more likely to join their own ethnic based armed forces voluntarily than other armed forces. In Sri Lanka, the Human Rights Watch and other not-for-profit organizations documented children willingly joined LTTE. On the other hand, there was no documentation of children joining state armed forces. The International protocol and other treaties do not stop many governments in recruiting children. For example, the United States sent more than fifty child soldiers to Iraq in 2003 and early 2004 (Becker n.d). Children who join armed forces are those who have been living in conflict areas. For example, the Tamil children join LTTE whereas Sinhalese children do not join armed forces because the later have access to education and other training. In Burma, coercion was used to recruited children for state armed forces while voluntary recruitment was used by non-state armed forces.

Being Burma and Sri Lanka are poor countries, children has been more likely to be child soldiers in either forces of state or non-state armed forces. Gates emphasized, “most civil wars occur in countries with high level of poverty” (Gates 2004). When there is high level of poverty, there is less level of the resources that further lead to poor infrastructure. Thus, some of the children use armed forces as the last resort for their livelihood.

This research was done based on peer reviewed literatures and other websites. Hence, it has no control over its subjects. Moreover, researchers who have done study on child soldiers in Burma and Sri Lanka, have no access to the armed forces. They were based on interviewed in more peaceful areas. For instance, the Human Rights Watch interviewed its subjects along Burma-Thai border. As it was not first handed research, there might be flaw in it. In the Sri Lanka, interviewed were conducted at rehabilitation centers and other places in cities. Human rights activists and researchers had no free access to the information, and the information was also unverified. For example, the Human Rights Watch stated that four year old child was found in army training school in Burma. However, it could not verify whether the child was groomed for soldiers or it was a child of any of the soldiers at the school.

Empirical method has not been extensively used for researching child soldiers in Sri Lanka and Burma. The finding could be different from the present statistics and information if researchers could have observed subjects. Research is also needed to focus on psychological consequences of these child soldiers. Physical consequences and other related impacts have been documented, but it there are few literatures on psychological consequences. Moreover, if there were protocol that could compel the recruiters to release data, it would be more helpful for many researchers.

Since pre-history, human have been struggling to get scarce resources such as food, shelter or territory, power and freedom. War is a part of human nature. In Burma, the civil war is struggle between the military regime and insurgents over territory and power. The minority people in Burma want their own territory where they can have power and influences. They do not want the repressive military regime to control their life, and decide their livelihood. They want to live in their own territory without fears. In the same way, the Tamils in Sri Lanka want their own territory where they can practice their own culture, religion and live without any fears.

Without ending struggle over territory and power, child soldiers will exist in both countries. Tamil children will join LTTE even though they know the consequences. The propaganda and glorification of ethnic war used by LTTE will pull many children to it. Similarly, the atrocities of Sri Lanka’s army in the war zone will push many children to join LTTE. In the same way, unless the current military regime in Burma change its policy and make Burma a liberal democracy country, there will be insurgents to get freedom. The military regime that has no modern technology will have to rely on the human for controlling and suppressing insurgents. The expansion of army to control insurgents will continue to cost thousands of innocent children. Thus, both Sri Lanka’s government and Burma’s military regime need to compromise and make the countries for children because today children are the future of tomorrow.

 

 

References

 

Arakan, V. (2006). Civil wars in Burma: Failure and Success. ArakanEra. Retrieved

     April 5, 2007, from http://www.arakanera.com/burma%20civil%20war.html

Becker, J. (n.d). Child soldiers changing a culture of violence. American Bar Association.

     Retrieved April 5, 2007, from 

     http://www.abanet.org/irr/hr/winter05/childsoldiers.html

Briggs, J. (2005). Innocent Lost. New York: Basic Books.

Chakma, S. (2000, May). Protecting children against recruitment by non-state actors. In J

     Blondel (Chairman), Working group C. Conference conducted at the meeting of  Asia-

     Pacific conference on the use of children as soldiers, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. (2002). Child Soldiers. (1379 Report).

     London.

Druba, V. (2002). The problem of child soldiers. International Review of Education,

     48(3-4), 271-277.

Gates, S. (2004).  Recruiting child soldier. Oslo, Norway: Norwegian University of

     Science & Technology, Center for the Study of Civil War.

Human Rights Watch. (2004). Living with fears. Retrieved April 2, 2007, from

     http://hrw.org/reports/2004/srilanka1104/

Human Rights Watch. (2002). “My gun was as tall as me.” Retrieved April 2, 2007, from

     http://hrw.org/reports/2002/burma/

Turnell, S. (2006, March 29). Burma’s Economic Prospects. Testimony before the Senate

     Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs. Abstract retrieved

     April 2, 2007, from http://www.uscampaignforburma.org/contact

    resources/TurnellCongressTestimony.pdf

Watkins, T. (n.d). Political and Economic History of Myanmar (Burma). Retrieved April

     2, 2007, from San Jose State University,

     http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/burma.htm

Wessells, M. (n.d). Child Soldiers, peace education, and postconflict reconstruction for

     peace. Theory into Practice, 44(4). 363-369.

Wessells, M. (2006). Child Soldiers: From violence to protection. Cambridge: Harvard

     University Press.

 

May 3rd 2007

 

2007 © ArakanEra All Rights Reserved